For Democratic Reform

Retained by the People: Making the Case for Participatory Democracy

In by shtuey at Oh...My Valve! on November 2, 2008 at 5:49 pm

If the 2008 election cycle has proven anything it is that representative democracy DOES NOT WORK.  This is the system that was created by the Founders and is laid out in the Constitution.  In a representative democracy the only real accessible way to have any effect on government is by voting.  The decisions as to what laws and regulations are passed, what government and judicial appointments are approved, even the decision to go to war is not in your hands.  It is in the hands of politicians; NOT YOURS.

Every four years we see the Rock the Voters coming out to tell us that “voting is power.”  I hate to break this to you, but voting is not power.  Power is disenfranchising 18 million people by giving a party’s nomination to a candidate who didn’t earn it.  Power is taking delegates from one candidate and giving them to another.  Power is using sexism and misogyny to beat down candidates for public office without any repercussions.  Power is threatening delegates into participating in a rigged roll call vote.  Power is telling telecom companies that they are off the hook for helping the President violate the Constitution by tapping the phones of every citizen in the United States without a warrant.  Power is being able to bankrupt and crash the most powerful economy on the planet and making money while you do it.  That is power in America as we have allowed it to be exercised.
Yes, we can decide which political parties will control our nation’s agenda with our votes, but beyond that our vote empowers us with nothing.  Did our votes stop the invasion of Iraq?  Did our votes stop Bush from tapping your phones without a warrant?  Did our votes stop the Congress from passing the economic rescue bill, granting Treasury Secretary Paulson the power to hand out $700 billion of your tax dollars to anyone he likes, for any reason?  Did our votes keep the Supreme Court from giving approval to the Secretary of State of Ohio to allow voter registration and voter fraud to be committed in her state?  No, no, no, and no.  Our vote gives us virtually no power over our government at all.  It gives us no veto power.  It gives us no oversight power.  It gives us virtually nothing.  But the Constitution does give us something.  It gives us a lot actually.  We just haven’t been using the Founders’ gifts well.  In fact, I would argue we have never used them at all.  What are these gifts?  The powers to shape and run this republic of ours.  It is the power to have direct democratic control over our elected officials.  Our birthright is that we have the indefeasible right to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.  It is also that we are permitted to live in a republic where the government doesn’t work against those rights.  The Constitution gives us the means.  We have failed to utilize them.  Where do we find these tools?  In the Bill of Rights.
Amendment IX:     

 The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment X:

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

The power to create citizen based political bodies with direct oversight of all our elected officials, and their appointees, is not granted by word in the Constitution.  But Amendment 9 makes it clear that the right to do so cannot be denied as it is a right “retained by the people.”  The power to create such bodies has not been delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor is it prohibited by it to the states.  Therefore, according to Amendment 10 the states, or the people, have the right to do so.  States also have the right to amend the Constitution.

 

We have the unalienable human right to be governed by bodies that must adhere to our will.  The Constitution of the United States gives us the means.  If we do not exercise our god(dess) given, and constitutionally guaranteed rights to make our republic a participatory democracy then we have no one but ourselves to blame when the federal government, and political parties, continue to act against our desires and our interests, period.  
To whom can we credit with the real substantive changes that have taken place in America?  Who got women the right to vote?  The people.  Who demanded the passage of the Civil Rights Act?  The people.  Who was the conscience of the nation that helped end the Vietnam War?  The people.  If we had a participatory democracy, instead of a representative democracy, then perhaps we wouldn’t have to march in the streets, engage in civil disobedience, and hunger strikes.  Perhaps then we wouldn’t worry about the President sending the National Guard to college campuses and worry about citizens being gunned down while engaging in non-violent protests.  Perhaps then we wouldn’t have to live in fear of financial interests driving our politicians to pass legislation that adversely effects our health, safety, security, and environment.  Perhaps then we could take the power out of the hands of corrupt politicians and lobbyists and put it where it belongs; in the hands of those whom all of these decisions directly effect: US.

That is hope, that is change.  Change is not electing some demagogue or corrupt politician who thinks that what’s best for him is automatically what’s best.  You know what is best for you.  I know what is best for me.  Politicians in Washington know what is best for them.  How often do those propositions coincide?  Take a look at the state of our economy for the answer to that question.  

 

We already have a 500 year old working model for a participatory democracy in America: the Haudenesaunee Confederacy.  I will be looking at their system in depth as I believe it may make for an excellent guide for us as we begin to plan the shift to participatory democracy, so that our republic can continue to fulfill its mission; to be a place where the indefeasible, unalienable rights of human beings are steadfastly protected against anyone who would attempt to take them away.

We have an important job to do on Tuesday.  We must vote against, or deny our vote to a corrupt politician whose Chicago and international thugs are poised to rob us of our rights, our liberties, and our finances.  They have already spent the last two years robbing us of our right to free and fair elections.  So vote against, or refuse to vote for Obama on Tuesday, but do not go back to sleep.  If you do then the next Obama will be free to rear his ugly head and challenge us again.  The Chris Dodds, Barney Franks, Nancy Pelosis, Harry Reids, and George Bushes of America will come again and again to work against our interests and our rights.  They can only do so if we let them.  They can only do so if we fail to exercise our rights.  If we as a society remain satisfied with voting in fraudulent elections as our means of exercising our power then this republic is not worth having.  The corruption will continue, and our rights and liberties will continue to be subsumed and eroded by our government.  If we want equal rights for ALL people, if we want government to stop working against our interests, if we want political parties to stop corrupting the electoral system, it is up to us to stand up and change it, not some fraudulent liar from Illinois who is only going to give us more of the same, only worse.
No more, America.  No more.  
posted at Oh…my valve!

If you are resisting the power of your political Party, you are not the first – and you are not alone

In From Heidi Li of Heidi Li's Potpourri on October 20, 2008 at 9:56 pm

It is high time that we stopped thinking politically as Republicans and Democrats about elections and started thinking patriotically as Americans about national security based on individual freedom. It is high time that we all stopped being tools and victims of totalitarian techniques—techniques that, if continued here unchecked, will surely end what we have come to cherish as the American way of life.

–Senator Margaret Chase Smith

At the present moment I am among those who are resisting powerful voices from the Democratic Party and pressure and intimidation from fellow Democrats, who say I MUST vote for Senator Obama or else…or else somehow I am a lesser Democrat. Balderdash.

Not much more than half a century ago, another political party was dominated by a figure who used fear, ignorance, bigotry, and smear to advance his personal power and supposedly the power of his Party. That figure was Joseph McCarthy and he was a Republican. Many Democrats today know about Joe McCarthy and his witch hunts. But fewer, I think, know of Senator Margaret Chase Smith – possibly the most successful woman politician in twentieth century American federal politics – who not only took on Joe McCarthy, but also Barry Goldwater when she refused to take her name off the ballot for the Republican nomination for Presidency at the 1964 Republican National Convention, thereby denying Barry Goldwater unanimous consent to his nomination.

Among Senator Chase Smith’s many accomplishments:

  • After four terms in the House, she won election to the United States Senate in 1948. In so doing, she became the first woman elected to both houses of Congress.
  • She introduced legislation granting permanent status for women in the armed forces.
  • She cosponsored the Equal Rights Amendment.
  • She was the first woman to have her name placed in nomination for the presidency by either of the two major parties.

Read more about Senator Chase Smith at the website of the Margaret Chase Smith Library

For now, read the speech delivered in her first term as a U.S. Senator, standing up to a far more powerful Republican than she was. Margaret Chase Smith may have been less power powerful than Joe McCarthy. But her defiance of his tactics and methods certainly made her no lesser a Republican.

Declaration of Conscience, June 1, 1950 – delivered by Senator Margaret Chase Smith on the United States Senate Floor
(emphases added)
Mr. President, I would like to speak briefly and simply about a serious national condition. It is a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in national suicide and the end of everything that we Americans hold dear. It is a condition that comes from the lack of effective leadership in either the legislative branch or the executive branch of our Government.

That leadership is so lacking that serious and responsible proposals are being made that national advisory commissions be appointed to provide such critically needed leadership.

I speak as briefly as possible because too much harm has already been done with irresponsible words of bitterness and selfish political opportunism. I speak as simply as possible because the issue is too great to be obscured by eloquence. I speak simply and briefly in the hope that my words will be taken to heart.

I speak as a Republican. I speak as a woman. I speak as a United States Senator. I speak as an American.

The United States Senate has long enjoyed worldwide respect as the greatest deliberative body in the world. But recently that deliberative character has too often been debased to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of congressional immunity.

It is ironical that we Senators can debate in the Senate directly or indirectly, by any form of words impute to any American, who is not a Senator, any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming an American—and without that non-Senator American having any legal redress against it—yet if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on the grounds of being out of order.

It is strange that we can verbally attack anyone else without restraint and with full protection and yet we hold ourselves above the same type of criticism here on the Senate floor. Surely the United States Senate is big enough to take self-criticism and self-appraisal. Surely we should be able to take the same kind of character attacks that we “dish out” to outsiders.

I think that it is high time for the United States Senate and its Members to do some soul searching—for us to weigh our consciences—on the manner in which we are performing our duty to the people of America; on the manner in which we are using or abusing our individual powers and privileges.

I think that it is high time that we remembered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution. I think that it is high time that we remembered that the Constitution, as amended, speaks not only of the freedom of speech, but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation.

Whether it be a criminal prosecution in court or a character prosecution in the Senate, there is little practical distinction when the life of a person has been ruined.

Those of us who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassinations are all too frequently those who, by our own words and acts, ignore some of the basic principles of Americanism—

The right to criticize;

The right to hold unpopular beliefs;

The right to protest;

The right of independent thought.

The exercise of these rights should not cost one single American citizen his reputation or his right to a livelihood nor should he be in danger of losing his reputation or livelihood merely because he happens to know someone who holds unpopular beliefs. Who of us doesn’t? Otherwise none of us could call our souls our own. Otherwise thought control would have set in.

The American people are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest they be politically smeared as “Communists” or “Fascists” by their opponents. Freedom of speech is not what it used to be in America. It has been so abused by some that it is not exercised by others.

The American people are sick and tired of seeing innocent people smeared and guilty people whitewashed. But there have been enough proved cases, such as the Amerasia case, the Hiss case, the Coplon case, the Gold case, to cause Nation-wide distrust and strong suspicion that there may be something to the unproved, sensational accusations.

As a Republican, I say to my colleagues on this side of the aisle that the Republican Party faces a challenge today that is not unlike the challenge that it faced back in Lincoln’s day. The Republican Party so successfully met that challenge that it emerged from the Civil War as the champion of a united nation—in addition to being a party that unrelentingly fought loose spending and loose programs.

Today our country is being psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions that are bred in the United States Senate to spread like cancerous tentacles of “know nothing, suspect everything” attitudes. Today we have a Democratic administration that has developed a mania for loose spending and loose programs. History is repeating itself—and the Republican Party again has the opportunity to emerge as the champion of unity and prudence.

The record of the present Democratic administration has provided us with sufficient campaign issues without the necessity of resorting to political smears. America is rapidly losing its position as leader of the world simply because the Democratic administration has pitifully failed to provide effective leadership.

The Democratic administration has completely confused the American people by its daily contradictory grave warnings and optimistic assurances—that show the people that our Democratic administration has no idea of where it is going.

The Democratic administration has greatly lost the confidence of the American people by its complacency to the threat of communism here at home and the leak of vital secrets to Russia through key officials of the Democratic administration. There are enough proved cases to make this point without diluting our criticism with unproved charges.

Surely these are sufficient reasons to make it clear to the American people that it is time for a change and that a Republican victory is necessary to the security of this country. Surely it is clear that this nation will continue to suffer as long as it is governed by the present ineffective Democratic administration.

Yet to displace it with a Republican regime embracing a philosophy that lacks political integrity or intellectual honesty would prove equally disastrous to this Nation. The Nation sorely needs a Republican victory. But I don’t want to see the Republican Party ride to political victory on the four horsemen of calumny—fear, ignorance, bigotry and smear.

I doubt if the Republican Party could—simply because I don’t believe the American people will uphold any political party that puts political exploitation above national interest. Surely we Republicans aren’t that desperate for victory.

I don’t want to see the Republican Party win that way. While it might be a fleeting victory for the Republican Party, it would be a more lasting defeat for the American people. Surely it would ultimately be suicide for the Republican Party and the two-party system that has protected our American liberties from the dictatorship of a one-party system.

As members of the minority party, we do not have the primary authority to formulate the policy of our Government. But we do have the responsibility of rendering constructive criticism, of clarifying issues, of allaying fears by acting as responsible citizens.

As a woman, I wonder how the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters feel about the way in which members of their families have been politically mangled in Senate debate—and I use the word “debate” advisedly.

As a United States Senator, I am not proud of the way in which the Senate has been made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism. I am not proud of the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled from this side of the aisle. I am not proud of the obviously staged, undignified countercharges that have been attempted in retaliation from the other side of the aisle.

I don’t like the way the Senate has been made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish political gain at the sacrifice of individual reputations and national unity. I am not proud of the way we smear outsiders from the floor of the Senate and hide behind the cloak of congressional immunity and still place ourselves beyond criticism on the floor of the Senate.

As an American, I am shocked at the way Republicans and Democrats alike are playing directly into the Communist design of “confuse, divide and conquer.” As an American, I don’t want a Democratic administration “whitewash” or “cover-up” any more than I want a Republican smear or witch hunt.

As an American, I condemn a Republican “Fascist” just as much as I condemn a Democrat “Communist.” I condemn a Democrat “Fascist” just as much as I condemn a Republican “Communist.” They are equally dangerous to you and me and to our country. As an American, I want to see our Nation recapture the strength and unity it once had when we fought the enemy instead of ourselves.

It is with these thoughts I have drafted what I call a Declaration of Conscience. I am gratified that Senator Tobey, Senator Aiken, Senator Morse, Senator Ives, Senator Thye and Senator Hendrickson, have concurred in that declaration and have authorized me to announce their concurrence.

Statement of Seven Republican Senators

1. We are Republicans. But we are Americans first. It is as Americans that we express our concern with the growing confusion that threatens the security and stability of our country. Democrats and Republicans alike have contributed to that confusion.

2. The Democratic administration has initially created the confusion by its lack of effective leadership, by its contradictory grave warnings and optimistic assurances, by its complacency to the threat of communism here at home, by its oversensitiveness to rightful criticism, by its petty bitterness against its critics.

3. Certain elements of the Republican Party have materially added to this confusion in the hopes of riding the Republican party to victory through the selfish political exploitation of fear, bigotry, ignorance, and intolerance. There are enough mistakes of the Democrats for Republicans to criticize constructively without resorting to political smears.

4. To this extent, Democrats and Republicans alike have unwittingly, but undeniably, played directly into the Communist design of “confuse, divide and conquer.”

5. It is high time that we stopped thinking politically as Republicans and Democrats about elections and started thinking patriotically as Americans about national security based on individual freedom. It is high time that we all stopped being tools and victims of totalitarian techniques—techniques that, if continued here unchecked, will surely end what we have come to cherish as the American way of life.

Source: “Declaration of Conscience” by Senator Margaret Chase Smith and Statement of Seven Senators, June 1, 1950, Congressional Record, 82nd Congress. 1st Session, in Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. and Roger Burns, Congress Investigates: A Documented History, 1792–1974 (New York: Chelsea House, 1963), 84–88.

As we approach a new President’s first 100 days…

In From Heidi Li of Heidi Li's Potpourri on September 27, 2008 at 12:00 pm

We ought to consider the last U.S. President who came into office at a time of economic turmoil and used not only his first hundred days but all the years of his administrations to transform American society into one intended to be a union for mutual benefit. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Jr. had an extraordinary sense of political-social empathy, the ability to relate to Americans completely unlike him in background but whose loyalty and trust he earned as he demonstrated how government could provide emergency relief without breaking individual taxpayers’ backs or pushing U.S. businesses into collapse. Then when the worst economic turbulence settled, F.D.R. worked with the legislature and the courts to introduce political oversight of the economy – not micromanagement – but oversight to keep greed and avararice from interfering with the cooperation necessary for mutual prosperity.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt arrived in office with years of public service and political experience. He served in lower level offices – e.g. Assistant Secretary of the Navy – as well higher level ones – e.g. Governor of New York. He had honed his political acumen and his reputation for his commitment to the Democratic Party as a whole. He had seen rural poverty in Georgia and urban poverty in New York City. He had crisscrossed the country as a Vice-Presidential candidate. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Jr. had flaws and faults (no human being does not) and he certainly had ambition. But he was that rare politician who almost always played to his strengths and who understood the importance of channeling personal ambition into a promoting a political agenda that would serve the many, not just the one.

Some excerpts from The White House presidential biography series:

Franklin D. Roosevelt

Assuming the Presidency at the depth of the Great Depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt helped the American people regain faith in themselves. He brought hope as he promised prompt, vigorous action, and asserted in his [first] Inaugural Address, “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”

Following the example of his fifth cousin, President Theodore Roosevelt, whom he greatly admired, Franklin D. Roosevelt entered public service through politics, but as a Democrat. He won election to the New York Senate in 1910. President Wilson appointed him Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and he was the Democratic nominee for Vice President in 1920.

In the summer of 1921, when he was 39, disaster hit-he was stricken with poliomyelitis. Demonstrating indomitable courage, he fought to regain the use of his legs, particularly through swimming. At the 1924 Democratic Convention he dramatically appeared on crutches to nominate Alfred E. Smith as “the Happy Warrior.” In 1928 Roosevelt became Governor of New York.

He was elected President in November 1932, to the first of four terms. By March there were 13,000,000 unemployed, and almost every bank was closed. In his first “hundred days,” he proposed, and Congress enacted, a sweeping program to bring recovery to business and agriculture, relief to the unemployed and to those in danger of losing farms and homes, and reform, especially through the establishment of the Tennessee Valley Authority.

By 1935 the Nation had achieved some measure of recovery, but businessmen and bankers were turning more and more against Roosevelt’s New Deal program. They feared his experiments, were appalled because he had taken the Nation off the gold standard and allowed deficits in the budget, and disliked the concessions to labor. Roosevelt responded with a new program of reform: Social Security, heavier taxes on the wealthy, new controls over banks and public utilities, and an enormous work relief program for the unemployed.

In 1936 he was re-elected by a top-heavy margin. Feeling he was armed with a popular mandate, he sought legislation to enlarge the Supreme Court, which had been invalidating key New Deal measures. Roosevelt lost the Supreme Court battle, but a revolution in constitutional law took place. Thereafter the Government could legally regulate the economy.